The 27th meeting of the 13th NPC Standing Committee closed on the morning of the 30th in the Great Hall of the People in Beijing. After a vote, the meeting unanimously passed the newly revised “Annex I to the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China for the Formation of the Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region” and the newly revised “Annex II to the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China for the Formation of the Legislative Council of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region” And voting procedures. President Xi Jinping signed Presidential Decree No. 75 and No. 76 respectively for promulgation. Chairman Li Zhanshu presided over the closing meeting.

167 members of the Standing Committee attended the meeting, and the number of attendees met the quorum.

The meeting also voted to pass the relevant appointment and removal proposal.

Vice Chairmen of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress Wang Chen, Cao Jianming, Zhang Chunxian, Shen Yueyue, Ji Bingxuan, Ailigen Yiming Bahai, Wan Exiang, Chen Zhu, Wang Dongming, Bai Ma Chilin, Ding Zhongli, Hao Mingjin, Cai Dafeng, Wu Weihua , Secretary-General Yang Zhenwu attended the meeting.

Director Yang Xiaodu of the National Supervision Commission, State Councilor Zhao Kezhi, President Zhou Qiang of the Supreme People’s Court, Chief Prosecutor Zhang Jun of the Supreme People’s Procuratorate, some members of the NPC special committees, some NPC deputies, and comrades in charge of relevant departments attended the meeting as non-voting delegates.

Before the closing meeting, Chairman Li Zhanshu hosted the 89th and 90th Chairman’s Meetings of the 13th National People’s Congress Standing Committee to discuss relevant issues. Yang Zhenwu, secretary-general of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, and comrades in charge of relevant special committees of the National People’s Congress gave reports on relevant issues.


By zhiwo

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6 months ago

If you want to see this revision clearly, you have to compare the old and new regulations to see if there are any differences. I think the most prominent change lies in the composition of the Legislative Council. First of all, the seats reserved for district councillors have simply disappeared. At the same time, the proportion of legislators directly elected by constituency has also dropped. As a result, some people who have hidden evil intentions want to use the “street route” to enter the legislature, and then create chaos, most of them are blocked. In addition, such a change will also help the district councillors truly return to the original functional design, pay more attention to the people’s livelihood, and be less involved in political disputes. Secondly, there is a question that has not been studied for the time being, that is the division of electoral districts. I believe many friends should have heard of Gerrymander Jerry Newt. How the electoral districts are divided and how the votes are dispersed and concentrated will have a direct impact on the election results. . Since the division of constituencies is regulated by the electoral law in the SAR, the amendment to Annex II does not involve this issue. But I think that after reducing the proportion of directly elected representatives, if these directly elected seats are occupied by certain people in large numbers, even if they do not constitute a majority of the 90 members of parliament, such a ratio may still be used by others, so the division of electoral districts is also quite a test. The political wisdom of the SAR government. The most significant change is that in this division of the 432 members of the SAR Legislative Council, 40 members are elected by the Election Committee, and it is clearly stated in Annex 2 that this Election Committee is the Election Committee in Annex 1. It is the election committee that elects the chief executive. The significance of such a change is self-evident. The government has said more than once that the SAR is not a “separation of powers,” but an executive led. Therefore, the mission of the SAR Legislative Council is not to antagonize the chief executive, but to work with one heart and one heart. Now the newly revised Annex II gives the largest proportion of members of the Legislative Council to the Chief Executive’s Election Committee for decision. This will help ensure that the executive and legislative affairs can be consistent on many major issues and avoid many unnecessary “raising.” This is a very clever move.

6 months ago

Annex 1 is called “Methods for the Selection of the Chief Executive” and Annex 2 is called “Methods for the Selection of the Legislative Council.” Therefore, this amendment to the Basic Law mainly concerns the election of the Legislative Council and the election of the Hong Kong Chief Executive. Chief Executive Election Reform: Prior to this revision, the Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region was nominated and elected by the Election Committee. The Election Committee has a total of 1,200 members, of which three-quarters are composed of elected representatives from 38 industries or societies (sectors) in Hong Kong. For example, members from the accounting class are elected by all registered accountants in Hong Kong, and organizations such as religious, business, industrial, and financial organizations will also select members for this election committee in various ways. The other quarter are naturally composed of deputies to the Hong Kong CPPCC and National People’s Congress, members of the Hong Kong Legislative Council, and members of various district boards and Heung Yee Kuk. After the amendment, the total number of members of the Chief Executive Election Committee of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region has increased from 300 to 1,500 from 1,200. The additional members are mainly composed of members of the Hong Kong District National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (an increase of 103), Hong Kong members of a national group (an increase of 110), representatives of Hong Kong groups in the Mainland (an increase of 27), and grassroots organizations and fellow associations (each an increase of 60) . The seats of the guild were also adjusted. For example, the original higher education sector was abolished and merged into the education sector, and the social welfare, sports, performance, culture, and publishing sectors were transferred from the third sector to the second sector, and the number of seats was reduced by 30. In addition, there are restrictions on the way some members of the sector are formed. For example, 9 seats in the legal sector must be nominated from the Hong Kong directors of the Chinese Law Society, and 15 seats in the accounting sector must be selected from the Hong Kong accounting consultants appointed by the Ministry of Finance. Nominations are made, and 15 seats in the science and technology innovation sector must be nominated by the Hong Kong academicians of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and the Chinese Academy of Engineering. There will also be a large number of reforms to group elections in groups that previously had higher levels of individual elections. Legislative Council Election Reform: Before the amendment to Annex II, the Hong Kong Legislative Council had a total of 70 seats, half of which 35 seats were directly elected by Hong Kong citizens, and the other half were elected by various social organizations (functional constituencies). After the reform, the Legislative Council has increased by 30 seats to 90 seats, of which 40 seats are elected by the enlarged Chief Executive Election Committee mentioned above, 20 seats are directly elected by the civil districts, and the remaining 30 seats are from the original social organizations ( Functional constituencies), that is, the legislative council members elected by various social organizations will account for seven ninths, while the directly elected legislative council members will drop from half to two ninths. The method of election of members of the 20-seat district direct elections has also changed, from the “proportional representation system” that is conducive to small parties to the “dual-seat representation system”. Each constituency has two seats and a total of ten constituencies. Each voter can only vote for one candidate, and the two MPs with the highest votes are elected. In addition, the nomination of candidates has also been changed from nomination by voters to joint nomination by the election committee and voters. In addition to the previous nomination by voters, candidates must also be nominated by multiple members of the election committee. Candidate Qualification Review Committee: In the future, candidates must pass three checkpoints for the election of the Chief Executive, the election committee and members of the Legislative Council. That is, it will be first reviewed by the Hong Kong Police National Security Department, then reviewed by the National Security Committee, and finally by the qualification review committee to make a final decision. No one may initiate a lawsuit on the decision of the qualification review committee, and his power is not restricted by the existing judicial qualifications in Hong Kong. To sum up in one sentence, this amendment to Annex I and II of the Basic Law reduces the degree of direct elections for the chief executive and parliamentary elections, reduces the living space of small parties, increases the influence of the Chinese mainland and the central government, and is expected to give birth to a pro-China unity. The big party controls the Hong Kong parliament. China’s current revision of Hong Kong’s electoral rules is a forceful defense and out of chaos after public opinion was maliciously guided by Western anti-China forces and gradually turned into a populist. In Western public opinion, direct elections can better reflect “public opinion” than indirect elections, and local aspirations are more important than central aspirations. Therefore, the Western anti-China media will definitely attack the revision of Hong Kong’s electoral regulations, calling out “reverse history and reverse history” to interfere in China’s internal affairs. The Hong Kong issue will become the focus of global attention for a long time to come. The key to the judging system is what kind of life it can bring to the people of Hong Kong. When Hong Kong returned in 1997, Mainland China was still exploring the development path of “crossing the river by feeling the stones”, lacking management experience and confidence in economically developed regions. Therefore, in the establishment of the administrative system in the process of Hong Kong’s return, China has made a lot of concessions and attempts to Western society with a humble attitude. The revision of Hong Kong’s election regulations and the previous promulgation of the National Security Law is the first time that China has truly governed Hong Kong in accordance with its own ideas and methods. Therefore, after the reform of Hong Kong’s electoral system, Hong Kong society continues to maintain prosperity and stability, as well as the qualitative improvement in economic development and people’s livelihood compared to the past. This is of great significance to China. It is China’s contribution to the world, especially Show the Taiwan region a model of the governance capabilities of major powers. Therefore, after this amendment to the Basic Law Annex, we will definitely formulate more and more powerful preferential policies to promote Hong Kong’s “second boiling” after the “second return”. In terms of people’s livelihood, it is believed that the reformed Hong Kong government will release more benefits to ordinary Hong Kong people and make Hong Kong people feel the “benefit” of the new system. Specifically, Shenzhen and Hong Kong’s plan to jointly develop the Loop is also likely to be restarted soon, which will make it easier for Hong Kong to find new growth poles and promote the integration of Shenzhen and Hong Kong. In Hong Kong, a world-famous city with high housing prices, a certain amount of public housing may be released to improve the quality of Hong Kong’s living. If there is a lack of land resources, it may be more assured to refer to the “Macau Hengqin” model for special allocation by Guangdong Province. All parts of the country, especially the Greater Bay Area, and Shenzhen in particular, will also introduce more preferential policies to ensure that young people in Hong Kong can easily stabilize. Some time ago, the Greater Bay Area provided Hong Kong permanent residents with specialized civil servant positions as a foreplay. In the confrontation between China and the United States, Chinese companies are generally worried that in the context of the prospects of the US capital market, a large number of Chinese companies will return to Hong Kong for listing. The Chinese mainland will inevitably give Hong Kong more opportunities and conveniences to participate in the dividends of China’s opening up. The fire burns more vigorously. All in all, China’s revision of Hong Kong’s election rules will surely attract a “review” by Western public opinion with colored glasses. Only by wholeheartedly letting the people of Hong Kong experience the illusion of “Western-style democracy” and the “real money” under the Chinese road, we can use popular sentiment and economic data to prove the superiority of the Chinese model and block the meddling face of Western society that is ready to watch the excitement. It also made Taiwanese people who were hesitating seriously consider whether “hypocritical democracy” or “full wallet” is better. Otherwise, if the system is changed and everything is business as usual, then how can the correctness of the Chinese model be demonstrated?

6 months ago

The two attachments are patched. These loopholes were previously not patched because they did not want to tear their faces with the Western Group. Now they are patched because they are completely tearing their faces and there is no need to throw a rat trap. The West’s slander on Xinjiang touches the bottom line of human society and is serious enough to be interfered with by force. Compared with the slander suffered by Xinjiang, the two patches in Hong Kong have received the most accusations of “undermining the democratic agenda,” and they are simply sprinkling water. The current situation is that unless Western groups use force to prevent China’s revival, any other methods will be useless. Therefore, such patches will be applied one by one in multiple sensitive areas. The future of Hong Kong is tied to the big ship of China. The principle of Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong will be fully implemented. The requirements of the central government are not high. For some Xiaoxiao, look at the current situation clearly, don’t learn from the Japanese. If they lose the bet, they just change the master. With the ancestral skills that have always admired the strong, no matter how big the grievance is, it is nothing more than kneeling in Nanjing. The worst ending is just to continue to be a vassal. South Korea is now afraid to jump all the time. He is not qualified to learn from Japan. He bet that the United States and whether he wins or loses, whether the Northern Brothers will let him live to see the ending of the show is hard to say. What about the small group of people in Hong Kong who eat inside and out? In the past, relying on us to vote for the mouse, do something with small risks and big returns, it is understandable, wealth and wealth are in danger. Now there is a complete showdown. Countries like Japan and South Korea dare not say that they can retreat from the gambling game. A small group of people in Hong Kong will find their way if they dare to jump. This is not an exaggeration. It is the same sentence. Compared with the stigma suffered by Xinjiang, Hong Kong’s problem is not a problem at all.

6 months ago

This is my answer at the beginning of March, and it was GG. Take the risk and paste it again. And cherish it. Before answering this question, I must briefly talk about the current electoral system in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. Because only by understanding the loopholes in its electoral system, can we understand the reform direction and purpose of the electoral system. The current electoral system of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region mainly includes the following four parts: (1) District Council election; (2) Legislative Council election; (3) Special election committee election; (4) Chief Executive election. (1) District Council Election The district council is essentially a public opinion consultation organization, and there was no statutory participation in political power. However, because its elections reflect the element of universal suffrage to a certain extent, the political reform proposals put forward by the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region often focus on expanding the participation of the district councils in political power to reflect grassroots public opinion. However, in recent years, district councils have become increasingly pan-politicized and have become a springboard for anti-China chaos in Hong Kong to enter the Legislative Council and the Election Committee. In this context, the original intent of the establishment of district councils has been blurred and misunderstood, thus becoming a major loophole in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region election system. According to the provisions of the current laws of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, the members of the Election Committee include 117 representatives from the District Council. According to the results of the district council elections in 2019, the pan-democrats won a big victory, winning 385 seats out of 452 seats. Therefore, it can be judged that without the intervention of the central government, under the current law, almost all the 117 representatives of the district council on the election committee will be obtained by the pan-democrats. (2) Election of the Legislative Council The Legislative Council is the legislature of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. In the current legislation, the Legislative Council has 70 seats: 35 directly elected seats by districts and 35 seats for functional constituencies. Among them, 6 of the functional constituency seats are indirectly elected by district councils. It is added that in Hong Kong’s District Council elections and Legislative Council elections, there are regional directly elected seats and functional constituency seats. The so-called regional directly elected seats are similar to universal suffrage seats. The functional constituency seats are similar to guild representatives. In the elections of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, it often happens that the pan-democrats dominate in directly elected seats in the region, while the establishments dominate in the functional constituency seats. Moreover, members of the Legislative Council can directly enter the Election Committee without election, and they are [ex-officio members] of the Election Committee. (3) The Election Committee of the Special Selection Committee is the organ that elects the chief executive. Its size and composition have changed many times. At present, the Election Committee is composed of 1,200 people, divided into four functional constituencies, each of which is composed of 300 people. Under the current regulations, when the chief executive election is conducted, the election committee must elect the chief executive from among the chief candidates by a simple majority, that is, if the chief executive is elected by 601 people as a boundary, with 601 votes or more. After the results are reported to the central government and appointed, the newly elected chief executive can perform his duties. In recent years, the pan-democrats have become increasingly radicalized. With the support of anti-China forces in the West, they have played the port of anti-China chaos, and gradually invaded the functional constituency seats of the district council, the legislative council and the electoral committee, trying to pass loopholes in the electoral system to legally seize governance. The power of the central government is used to supervise the power of the central government, making the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region a bridgehead for the West’s peaceful evolution of the mainland. At present, referring to the results of the 2016 Election Committee functional constituency elections, the pan-democracy faction accounts for about 325 seats in the Election Committee, 298 seats in the Election Committee functional constituencies, and 27 ex officio seats in the Legislative Council. It accounts for 27.22% of the general election committee. (4) Chief Executive Election The current Chief Executive election is a way of nomination. That is, every 150 (inclusive) or more members of the Election Committee, regardless of their functional constituency, can jointly select a candidate for the chief executive. According to calculations based on the 2016 results, the pan-democratic faction can theoretically nominate two candidates for the chief executive. Although Hong Kong law stipulates that the candidate for the chief executive is politically neutral after being elected, it is difficult to guarantee that the core propositions of the candidate selected by the pan-democratic group will not be consistent with the pan-democratic group. As mentioned above, the pan-democrats dominate the district directly elected seats in all levels of elections (district councils, legislative councils). Therefore, one of the so-called five major demands put forward by the pan-democrats is to achieve the goal of dual universal suffrage in 2020: to achieve universal suffrage for the chief executive and for the legislative council. In other words, if the central government agrees to its demands under their pressure, the pan-democrats will easily seize the governance power of the SAR government, and the power of patriots who love Hong Kong will be greatly weakened. Once its conspiracy succeeds, Hong Kong will be completely plunged into the abyss. Moreover, in the current laws of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, the qualification examination of candidates for patriotism and Hong Kong before the election is stricter, but there are no precise requirements for the qualification examination after their election. In other words, before a certain chief executive, district council member, or legislative council candidate can stand for election, he can flaunt his patriotism and love for Hong Kong. After being elected, if there are acts of anti-China and disruptive actions in Hong Kong, it is difficult to impose sanctions in the existing SAR laws, and it is also impossible to timely DQ. The central government’s handling of its actions will also be very passive. This may be one of the reasons why the electoral system of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region is in urgent need of change. (The above description may have some omissions. If there are errors or improprieties in the description, please forgive the readers) (The following description. There are personal understanding components. If there are errors or improper understandings, please forgive me. Readers are welcome to correct them. The possible political reform measures of the National People’s Congress are based on relevant reports from the Hong Kong media and the central government’s explanation.) Before analyzing the measures of the National People’s Congress political reform, a simple link diagram is used to represent the current electoral system. District Council Election (6 Legislative Council seats, 117 Election Committee seats) → Legislative Council Election (64 Legislative Council seats are generated, together with the 6 Legislative Council seats generated by the District Councils, they directly become the 70-seat representatives of the Election Committee )→Election Committee election (1200 people, including 187 seats in the District Council and the Legislative Council)→ Chief Executive election (no threshold for nomination, any candidate for Chief Executive with 601 votes or more is elected). In this link, there is no clear, strict, qualification review after being elected. Let’s analyze one by one, first analyze the most clear explanation of the National People’s Congress. The quotation is as follows: The general idea of ​​improving the election system of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region is: to restructure and increase the empowerment of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Election Committee to design the overall system, adjust and optimize elections The size, composition and method of the committee will continue to be elected by the Election Committee to elect the Chief Executive, and the Election Committee will be given the new function of electing a larger proportion of Legislative Council members and directly participating in nominating all candidates for the Legislative Council, and expanding Hong Kong through the Election Committee Socially balanced and orderly political participation and broader representation, appropriate adjustments to relevant election elements, and establishment of a full-process qualification review mechanism to form a new democratic election system that is in line with Hong Kong’s actual conditions and has Hong Kong characteristics. (Quotation source: National People’s Congress website) 1. The overall system design is based on the reconstruction and empowerment of the election committee: the focus of the current election system is on elections at all levels, and the election committee only has the power to elect the chief executive. The state will strengthen the weight of the Election Committee in the electoral system. 2. Adjusting and optimizing the size, composition and method of the election committee: It is rumored that the size of the election committee has been expanded from 1,200 to 1,500: to expand the wide range of representatives of the election committee. 2-1 It is proposed to abolish the 117 seats of the district council in the electoral committee and 6 seats in the legislative council: return the district council to its essence as a consulting agency, and completely block the way for anti-China chaos in Hong Kong from the district council to enter the electoral committee . 2-2 Add a 300-member functional constituency: Patriotic and love Hong Kong groups, etc.: Enhance the voice of patriotic and love Hong Kong groups, etc. 2-3 The relationship between the Election Committee and the Chief Executive’s election: 2-3-1 The size of the Election Committee is expanded , The number of votes required for candidates to win the Chief Executive election will definitely change. As for the method of winning the election, there is no media report. If the simple majority system continues, the chief executive candidate should get 751 votes (inclusive) or more to win. 2-3-2 The current threshold for candidates to participate in the election of the chief executive will likely be greatly increased: every 188 (inclusive) members of the election committee jointly select a candidate for the chief executive; among them, the candidate for the chief executive needs to participate in the political reform. Each functional constituency in the subsequent election committee has obtained a certain number of votes. This effectively strengthens the representativeness of the chief candidates and prevents the pan-democrats from relying on the number advantage of the election committee to select candidates who represent the interests of the pan-democrats and the Western anti-China forces. 3. Continue to elect the Chief Executive by the Election Committee. 4. Give the Election Committee the new function of electing a larger proportion of Legislative Council members and directly participating in the nomination of all candidates for the Legislative Council: This article on the one hand reaffirms the political characteristics of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region’s executive-led legislation, and on the other hand refutes the general The so-called separation of powers is characterized by the political system of the democrats. Mainly adjusted the administrative and legislative relationship of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. 4-1: Entitle the Election Committee to elect a larger proportion of members of the Legislative Council: That is to say, the seats of the Legislative Council will reappear in the election committee seats. One functional constituency will be re-established in the Legislative Council: the Election Committee. The so-called election committee seats here are elected by the members of the election committee. At present, there is no clear conclusion on the number of seats in the election committee, but according to practice, the ratio should not be less than 1/6 of the number of seats in the general legislative council after the political reform and not more than 1/2, that is, 15 to 45 seats. between. 4-2 The Election Committee directly participates in the nomination of all candidates for the Legislative Council: The functions of the Election Committee are expanded and will be composed of the original executive election committee and the legislative legislative nomination committee. After the political reform, members of the Legislative Council must be nominated by the Election Committee if they want to serve in the Legislative Council, otherwise they will not be able to stand for election. This basically blocked the way for anti-China chaos in Hong Kong from the Legislative Council to the Election Committee. 5. Establish a full-process qualification review mechanism: This is a full-process qualification review for a group of people who hold important governance powers of the SAR, such as members of the election committee, the chief executive, and members of the legislative council. The so-called whole process here refers to pre-election, selection, and post-election. Perhaps as long as the above-mentioned persons have anti-China and Hong Kong remarks or behaviors at one stage, the person will be DQ. This will eliminate the need for lengthy judicial review to eliminate anti-China and Hong Kong activists and disguised patriotic and Hong Kong patriots, thereby reducing the need for lengthy judicial review. The negative impact of government governance. It can be said that the draft of the National People’s Congress has legally blocked the attempts by anti-China elements to enter the Election Committee through legal means to steal the control power of the SAR. However, the judiciary, education and other aspects of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region must also undergo large-scale reforms in the future, otherwise the anti-China chaos in Hong Kong still has the possibility of fighting back in public opinion. This may make some young people with immature values ​​be deceived by anti-China chaos in Hong Kong and become cannon fodder for the anti-China chaos in Hong Kong.

6 months ago

When I read “Bian Que Meets Cai Huan” when I was a child, the teacher told us a truth: to prevent things from getting worse, you can’t wait for them to make trouble. One of the foundations of current management thinking is to formulate various systems to keep things under control and kill them. But in Hong Kong, the central government seems to have the feeling of Zheng Burke and Duan Yuyan. Hong Kong’s waste greens went to the streets to smash, smash, rob and burn, foreign forces openly instigated turmoil, the Hong Kong guards used limited means when they were injured and attacked, and they even watched it coldly. A: This is fattening and killing the chaos in Hong Kong. After all, the so-called system is a summary of past experience. What will happen in the future is unpredictable; when things reach their climax, they can understand all the methods used by the chaotic Hong Kong forces and gain more experience; second, they will be informed that what will happen. Everything in China, even as you might expect, looks great in form. When you feel that you are about to succeed, I only need to have two meetings and you will instantly fall apart. It is Hong Kong now, and other things will be the same in the future. This blow to the confidence of the chaotic forces in Hong Kong is undoubtedly more severe than strangling the incipient stage. After all, people fail when they are close to success, and fail at the beginning, the mentality is different. By the way, the central government really doesn’t look down on the chaos in Hong Kong at all, and treats them purely as fools. On the eve of the promulgation of the Hong Kong version of the “National Security Law,” it was still declaring to the troubled Hong Kong forces that the effectiveness of the regulations would not be retroactive to the past.

6 months ago

This means a fundamental change in the situation in Hong Kong
The bottom line of patriotism and reunification must not yield
Otherwise, the troubles are endless
Even if it’s easy for a while, you have to pay the price in the future
This will be an important enlightenment for solving the Taiwan issue
That is, we must use all means to ensure patriotism and unification
The hostile separatists must be completely suppressed and absolutely eradicated.
Otherwise, the unity is not solid
I will suffer in the future

6 months ago

The local Hong Kong drugs and external forces used elections to disrupt Hong Kong and the country. The promulgation of the National Security Law has a certain degree of contingency. If there is a problem, there can be laws to follow, and sanctions against criminals are even more effective for Hong Kong at that time. It means to treat the symptoms, and this amendment to Annex I and II of the Basic Law is to try to prevent criminals from having the opportunity to do things, and to fundamentally solve the problems in Hong Kong, which means to cure the root cause. From the perspective of the revision process, in fact, according to the previous Basic Law, the procedures for the election of the chief executive and the election of the Legislative Council must be revised locally and passed by the Legislative Council 2/3. However, in this amendment, the National People’s Congress directly bypassed the Legislative Council and directly voted on the amendment. On the one hand, if the amendment is passed through the Legislative Council, a lot of things may be caused under the current circumstances. On the other hand, it also shows that the central government no longer wants to let Hong Kong continue to make trouble, and cut the mess quickly. The main content of the amendment is the method for the formation of the Chief Executive and the Legislative Council. I took a look. The main idea is to strengthen the power of the Election Committee and achieve the goal of patriots ruling Hong Kong through the Election Committee. The first is that the number of people has increased, so the number of classes has also increased. Previously, there were 1,200 members of the Election Committee, and there were 4 sectors. This time it has increased to 1,500, so it has also become 5 sectors. The amendment to the Legislative Council elections gives the Election Committee the right to directly elect members of the Legislative Council and nominate candidates for the Legislative Council. At the same time, it increases the number of legislators and reduces the number of district direct elections. Of the previous 70 seats, 35 seats were directly elected, and the remaining 35 seats were elected by functional constituencies. After the amendment, the number of members of the Legislative Council was increased to 90, and the number of members elected by the Election Committee accounted for 40, and direct elections by districts were adjusted to 20. It can be seen from the above that the functions of the Election Committee have been greatly increased. The Election Committee is very important and an important starting point to ensure that the patriots govern Hong Kong. Therefore, it becomes extremely important for the election of candidates for the Election Committee. Leads to another relatively big change, that is, qualification review. The qualification review after this revision can be said to be a full process. The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Candidate Qualification Review Committee is responsible for reviewing and confirming the qualifications of candidates for the Election Committee and candidates for the Chief Executive. Moreover, after the eligibility decision is made, no litigation can be filed. The same is true for members of the Legislative Council. The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Candidate Qualification Review Committee is responsible for reviewing and confirming the qualifications of candidates for the Legislative Council, and also does not accept refutations. Therefore, for the election of the Chief Executive and the Legislative Council after this amendment, in short, the Candidate Qualification Review Committee is used to ensure that the members of the Election Committee, the candidates for the Chief Executive, and the candidates for the Legislative Council are patriots. At the same time, the election committee is added. The right to reduce the production of moths. After passing, we will feel happy, but Hong Kong drugs and Europe and the United States may have another wave of things to do. So far, there is no news outside. Let’s wait for things to ferment, preferably not. In addition, after the Hong Kong patch is applied, some countries may look for other targets. The goal of these countries is to disrupt our development. Disturbances can go anywhere. Hong Kong has moved to Xinjiang before. If Xinjiang cannot make waves, it will not rule out Tibet or even Taiwan.

6 months ago

Patriots ruling Hong Kong have been implemented. Counting on you to take care of yourself is really looking upon you. Governing the Pearl of the South China Sea depends on mainland political elites. In the future, both the Chief Executive and the Legislative Council will have to be strongly restrained by the Election Committee. Especially the Legislative Council, if you don’t bring you a dog bite, you don’t know who the owner is. From now on, we will honestly supervise the administration of the Chief Executive and manage the internal affairs of Hong Kong. Don’t try to challenge the supreme power of the country with a local legislature. Executive leadership is not empty talk. The political governance structure of Hong Kong, China is in the hands of the Chinese. The British should take care of their own bad things and talk about other things. The modification of various laws is the perfection of the “one country, two systems” system, which should be viewed from a dialectical and developmental perspective. Then take the Sino-British Joint Statement to say that things are either pretending to be stupid or really stupid. The model is done, and then set on Taiwan. The experience and lessons of Hong Kong tell us that in the future, patriots will rule Taiwan! The forces on the island must see the general trend clearly. Rather than coaxing back “one country, two systems” and gradually improving, it is better to lower expectations and achieve one step. Our policy is slowly becoming clearer, and there is less suspicion and pulling drawers.

6 months ago

I’m so ridiculous, a bunch of yin and yang people. This is going to be before, and I will argue. Now that the national power is strong, and the United States can break their wrists, people who see these yin and yang weirdness will find it funny, like jumping clowns and watching monkeys. Now even Britain, the former Hong Kong person with the greatest interest, is reluctant to report Hong Kong fake news (after all, there is no interest), and these monkeys are still doing their best, laughing to death. China’s fault was that during the epidemic, the new crown virus did not kill this group of yin and yang monkeys, but instead protected the group of monkeys. Do you know how difficult it is for these yin and yang strange monkeys! What the monkey hoped was that China should be overthrown by the epidemic. What I didn’t expect was that our party’s cohesion was not generally strong. When adversity went up against the current, the national strength was increased to the point where it could break the US. Do you know how uncomfortable monkeys are? The monkey’s beautiful father was scolded by China! The monkey’s beautiful daddy is fading! The incompetent furious yin and yang strange hahahahaha. Let me tell you the cruel facts of these strange monkeys. With this experience in Hong Kong, our party has more experience in reunifying Taiwan. It is extremely rare. It is a rare experience in hand training. Without this experience, it is really good for how to reunify Taiwan. Troublesome, with this experience, hahahahahaha, how angry this group of monkeys will be when they don’t dare to make trouble on the street, they don’t have weapons, and they don’t even get a knife on the street. My whole army will attack on the Internet, it’s reality. I’m afraid of hard and soft, but what to do? I can only be incompetent and furious.

6 months ago

The improvement of this system is conducive to the long-term stability of Hong Kong society, the prosperity and stability of Hong Kong society, and the overall interests of the Chinese nation. It fully understands and supports the correct decision of the National People’s Congress. It is achieved through measures such as expanding share, reducing proportion, and increasing political review The healthy development of Hong Kong. But at the same time, we should reflect on the issue. Who is the establishment and the pan-democrats understand the basic demands of the Hong Kong people better, how to correctly guide the public opinion and ideology of Hong Kong society, reshape the distribution of social resources, and optimize the gap between the rich and the poor? This is the root of the problem. Let the establishments get closer to the people of Hong Kong and represent the interests of the broad masses of the people. It is in line with the central government’s expectations of Hong Kong, instead of allowing the pan-democrats to exploit political loopholes and undermine the entire Hong Kong people’s overall view of the central government and society. Public opinion, ideology, and policies can only solve temporary worries. The long-term social stability of Hong Kong depends on who can represent the basic interests of the Hong Kong people and who loves the people? Who do the people support?

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